Author ORCID Identifier

Tonja Jacobi 0000-0002-5200-5765

Document Type

Article

Publication Date

2008

Keywords

DNA testing, Economic screening model, Monetary costs, Conditional penalties, Proportionality of punishment

Abstract

This Essay formally illustrates how it is possible to force prisoners to self-identify as innocent or guilty by deciding whether to seek post­conviction DNA testing. Additionally, it shows why other systems that aim to reduce the number of guilty petitioners seeking post-conviction DNA testing create perverse incentives, and why only additional incarceration can effectively encourage innocent and guilty prisoners alike to self-identify. This will reduce costs on the judicial system by discouraging guilty prison­ers from seeking post-conviction DNA tests. It will also make it faster and easier for actually innocent prisoners to seek the tests they need for timely exoneration.

In Part II, we describe the problem: Costless or low-cost post­conviction DNA testing has created a flood of petitions from guilty prison­ers, making it impossible to address actually innocent prisoners' petitions in a timely and just manner. In Part III, we provide a screening model, and show how a certain number of days of additional incarceration creates in­centives for guilty petitioners to avoid seeking testing, while at the same time encouraging and enabling the innocent to seek potentially exonerating post-conviction DNA testing. The appropriate number of days will depend on factors such as the length of the sentence the petitioner would otherwise face and whether the petitioner will also bear the monetary costs of the test. In Part IV, we assess other regimes that govern post-conviction DNA test­ing. We explain why they have all failed to adequately deter guilty peti­tioners from seeking testing and why many run the risk of deterring the actually innocent from petitioning for testing. In Part V, we review the constitutional issues, and argue that imposition of a self-screening system through the use of additional incarceration is constitutional, if done prop­erly. We conclude by considering whether our analysis can be applied more generally within the criminal justice system, such as to all habeas peti­tions made on factual grounds.

First Page

263

Publication Title

Northwestern University Law Review

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